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In our previous Liberty Street Economics post, we introduced the decentralized finance (DeFi) intermediation chain and explained how various players have emerged as key intermediaries in the Ethereum ecosystem. In this post, we summarize the empirical results in our new Staff Report that explains how the need for transaction privacy across the DeFi intermediation chain gives rise to intermediaries’ market power.
In our last post, we showed that the economic benefits of a college degree still far outweigh the costs for the typical graduate, with a healthy and consistent return of 12 to 13 percent over the past few decades. But there are many circumstances under which college graduates do not earn such a high return. Some colleges are much more expensive than average, and financial aid is not guaranteed no matter which college a student attends. In addition, the potentially high cost of living on campus was not factored into our estimates. Some students also may take five or six years to finish their degrees, which can significantly increase costs. Further, our calculations were based on median wages over a working life, but half of college graduates earn less than the median. Indeed, even when paying average costs, we find that a college degree does not appear to have paid off for at least a quarter of college graduates in recent decades. In this post, we consider when college might not be worth it and explore differences in the return to college by major.
A college degree was once viewed as a surefire ticket to a good job and a clear pathway for upward mobility. However, concerns about the rising cost of college and the struggles of recent college graduates to find good jobs have led many Americans to lose confidence in higher education. This shift in sentiment has become even more widespread since the pandemic, as opportunities and wages have grown for those without a degree as labor markets strengthened. Indeed, many have been left wondering whether college is still worth it. In a two-part blog series, we offer an economic perspective on the value of a college degree, updating our previous research and analysis. This first post examines the costs, benefits, and return for the typical college graduate. We estimate the return to college at 12.5 percent, a rate well above the threshold for a sound investment. Our second post looks beyond the typical graduate and finds a college degree might not be worth it for at least a quarter of college graduates.
“Peak oil”—the notion that the depletion of accessible petroleum deposits would soon lead to declining global oil output and an upward trend in prices—was widely debated in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Proponents of the peak supply thesis turned out to be wrong, given the introduction of fracking and other new extraction methods. Now the notion of peak oil is back, but in reverse form, with global demand set to flatten and then fade amid growing use of EVs and other low-carbon technologies. The arrival of “peak demand” would turn global oil markets into a zero-sum game: Supply growth in one region or field would simply push down prices, driving out higher-cost producers elsewhere. A key question is how U.S. producers would adapt to the new market environment.
In this post we examine changes in households’ beliefs following the release of the December 2024 SCE Public Policy Survey, finding large shifts in consumer expectations about future changes in fiscal policy. Households assign higher likelihoods to a variety of tax cuts and to reductions in a range of transfer programs, while they assign lower likelihoods to tax hikes and expansions in entitlement programs. We do not find these sharp changes translate into meaningful shifts in median households’ near-term expectations about the evolution of the overall economy, nor do they appear to have significantly affected median near-term expectations about the household’s own income and spending growth.
In the literature on monetary policy spillovers considered in the two previous posts, countries that would otherwise operate independently are connected to one another through bilateral trade relationships, and it is assumed that there are no frictions in currency, financial, and asset markets. But what if we introduce a number of real-world complexities, such as a dominant global currency and tight linkages across international capital markets? Given these additional factors, is it still possible to draw generalized conclusions about international policy spillovers—and can we still think of them as a fundamentally bilateral phenomenon? In our third and final post, we explore these questions by focusing on two key elements in the determination of international policy spillovers: the U.S. dollar and the Global Financial Cycle.
As covered in the first post in this series, the international transmission of monetary policy shocks features positive output spillovers when the so-called expenditure-switching effect is sufficiently large. Departing from textbook analysis, this post zooms in on the implications of differences across market participants with respect to their consumption preferences and ability to insure against income risk. The key message is that these features can, at least theoretically, change the impact of spillovers from positive to negative as well as alter their overall magnitude. These aspects of the international transmission mechanism are especially relevant when addressing spillovers from advanced to emerging economies.
Understanding cross-border interdependencies and inspecting the international transmission mechanism of policy shocks is the raison d’être of open-economy macroeconomics as an intellectual discipline. The relevance for the policy debate is pervasive: over and over in the history of the international monetary system national policymakers have pointed at — and voiced concerns about—the effects of policy actions undertaken in foreign countries on the outlook and financial conditions in their own domestic economies. The most recent example involves the spillovers of tighter monetary policies aimed at addressing the inflationary spikes associated with the COVID-19 pandemic. In this three-part series, we provide a non-technical introduction to the multifaceted literature on global spillovers, building in particular on our own research. This post introduces the subject and offers an overview of the classic transmission channels.
Credit cards play a crucial role in U.S. consumer finance, with 74 percent of adults having at least one. They serve as the main method of payment for most individuals, accounting for 70 percent of retail spending. They are also the primary source of unsecured borrowing, with 60 percent of accounts carrying a balance from one month to the next. Surprisingly, credit card interest rates are very high, averaging 23 percent annually in 2023. Indeed, their rates are far higher than the rates on any other major type of loan or bond. Why are credit card rates so high? In our recent research paper, we address this question using granular account-level data on 330 million monthly credit card accounts.
In a previous post, we introduced a three-pillar framework for interoperability of payment systems and discussed how technological, legal, and economic factors contribute to achieve interoperability and aid in the “singleness of money”—that payments and exchange are not subject to volatility in the value of the money itself—in the context of legacy systems. In this post, we use the framework to characterize the interoperability of blockchain systems and propose a methodology for evaluating interoperability. We show evidence of limited interoperability and draw insights for the future of payment systems.
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